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4.1.2 Definitions and Perspectives on Hate Crimes
The term »hate crime« is not widely used in Poland, although some organizations within Poland have been promoting its use. Generally speaking, the Polish team accepts the definition adopted by the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, which defines hate crimes as crimes committed against an individual or property because of a real or perceived connection to a group defined by one or more of the following characteristics: race, national or ethnic origin, language, color, religion, sex, age, mental or physical disability, sexual orientation or other factors. However, this definition is somewhat limiting insofar as it ignores other discourses of ideological prejudice that affect an individual or group’s emotional well-being and/or their ability to live in their community without fear. Furthermore, it excludes verbal threats, social exclusion, and institutional discrimination (like disadvantaging one group over another for public services). In Poland, private and public discourses often contain outright or thinly veiled stereotypes or attitudes that assume the inferiority of one group or lifestyle over the status quo. For example, political speeches in Poland have even been used as an open incitement against homosexuals (this will be discussed in a later section). Such discourses are called »hate speech« in English-speaking countries, a concept we will borrow for the purpose of this study. We consider hate speech to be socially harmful because it limits the individual or group’s access to certain rights or privileges enjoyed by the mainstream and their overall acceptance in society. In some cases, such discourses may be the precursor to violence that results in bodily harm or even death to the disadvantaged group.
When presenting a general interpretative framework for understanding hate crimes in the Polish context, Marcin Kornak of Nigdy Więcej, the oldest and most significant contemporary anti-racist and anti-Nazi organization in Poland, attempts to group various problems under a single concept:
»In my opinion, everything [concerning hate crimes] is rooted in the culture. […] The dark side of Polish culture is the deepest background of prejudices and ideologies that induce crimes of hate. These prejudices and stereotypes concerning certain ethnic, national and social minorities linger on for decades, sometimes even centuries. They are embedded in the way people perceive reality and use the Polish language. It is not only the domain of the poorer and less educated social strata, they often apply to nominal elites.«
Kornak’s experiences at Nigdy Więcej have given him first-hand knowledge of how this deeply embedded intolerance impacts the lives of socially marginalized groups and how such prejudices often manifest in the form of psychological or physical violence. Kornak suggests that prejudices and stereotypes, no matter how harmless or unreflective they may appear, desensitize the general public, both rich and poor, to the experience of the victim and isolate the victim groups from the community.
All the interviewed NGO representatives and activists recognized the fact that members of minority communities and other groups are often subject to various forms of mistreatment either by members of majority communities, institutions or organized groups in Poland. Although each interviewee had a distinct emphasis and responsiveness to dialogue about intolerance, all the interviewees identified problems such as individual and institutional discrimination, stereotyping of marginalized groups in public discourses, as well as tensions between majority and minority groups. How NGO representatives approach the problem, both in terms of understanding and tackling it, is shaped by: a) the specific historical and current situation of their communities and organizations in Poland; b) their personal experiences; and c) their training (formal or informal) in the field such as anti-racism/anti-Fascism, pro-tolerance activism, human rights education and political involvement.
Most NGO representatives interviewed were convinced that xenophobia, prejudice, intolerance, racism and discrimination of marginalized groups are persistent patterns of Polish social and cultural life. For the most part, this view was expressed by representatives of organizations dealing with »visible« minority groups, such as refugees and migrants occupying marginal or underprivileged positions in the Polish society (due, for example, to lack of linguistic skills, shortage of legal and administrative knowledge etc.), people with visible physical differences (people of color, people wearing religious or ethnic symbols etc.), groups with a long history of stigmatization in Poland (e.g. Roma, Jews), sexual minorities, or people involved in alternative or radical action for social and cultural change (e.g. anti-Fascist activists, punk subcultures).
Malika Abdoulvakhabova, the Vice-President of the Rescue Foundation (Fundacja »Ocalenie«), a group that works with the Chechen diaspora community in Poland, points out that attacks against Chechen migrants and refugees in recent years were motivated by:
»[S]trong xenophobia, fear of people coming from the North Caucasus, lack of knowledge about Chechen people. […] Xenophobia exists everywhere. These are widespread slogans: Russia for Russians, Poland for Poles, Germany for Germans. At the same time xenophobia is stronger in Poland than in Western Europe, and it is connected with the unstable economic and social situation. People do not want newcomers. This is my opinion and the opinion of those Chechens whom I have met.«
In describing xenophobia in the context of economics in Poland, Abdoulvakhabova touches on many Poles’ perception that refugees and migrants take away jobs or resources from Poles. Xenophobia ignores the unique political or social situation of why each group is in Poland and creates an identity hierarchy, elevating a preconceived notion of Polish identity above other »non-Polish« identities.
Even groups who have been in Poland for centuries are not immune to xenophobia or various forms of social exclusion. The Roma and Jews suffer from a long history of stigmatization and experience with political disadvantages and cultural hatred. In response to the question concerning the relevance of hate crimes in Poland, Roman Kwiatkowski of the Association of Roma (Stowarzyszenie Romow) in Poland outlines the dramatic situation of the Roma communities in the Silesia province:
»Per petrators who assault Roma are people with extremely nationalistic views. […] There are no skinheads in Oświęcim [where the interviewee lives], but in Chrzanów, Żywiec, Kęty, there are strong groups of skinheads. Those groups are quite well-organized in the Silesia district. The Roma are being constantly attacked there. They have adopted a victim’s attitude, which is the worst thing that can happen.«
Roma remain one of the most victimized minority groups in Poland. Neo-Nazis and groups with a national extremist ideology consider Roma »racially« different and claim they do not fit the »proper« model of Polishness. Perpetrators against Roma families or their property often demand the removal of this ethnic group from Poland and sometimes even incite hatred calling for their extermination. In Roman Kwiatkowski’s interview above, he points out that this racism causes substantial fear inside Roma community. Each time a dangerous situation occurs, passivity and withdrawal spreads to more and more members of the community. This creates a vicious circle, which the interviewee labels a »victim’s attitude.« Mr. Kwiatkowski, one of the Roma leaders in Poland, is therefore concerned about victimization as a result of hostility from members of the surrounding majority. Such factors deter the Roma’s ability to better with the local community.
Among representatives of Jewish organizations, there is great concern about anti-Semitism. Jan Gebert, who is the Public Affairs representative of the Union of Jewish Religious Communities in the Republic of Poland, refers to the results in a recent opinion poll, highlighting that Jews are considered to be the most hated group in Poland followed by Russians. Anna Mazgal representing the Jewish Cultural Association Beit Warszawa (Towarzystwo Kultury Żydowskiej Beit Warszawa) observes:
»Anti-Semitism has always been a problem in Poland; it is a part of daily life, culture and folklore. It is so deeply embedded that people can look at anti-Semitic images but do not treat them as such. It is anti-Semitism against Jews that are no longer here and can be manifested against those who are not Jewish. Ultra-nationalists and skinheads are attached to the Nazi ideology, and anti-Semitism is a part of it. It can be manifested violently or non-violently, through different gestures and symbols. These are people from small villages who have never seen anyone different. Therefore, anyone who does not fit the ‘normal picture,’ for example, the handicapped or disadvantaged people, can be attacked by the skinheads.«
Mazgal raises several complex issues about prejudice and how difference plays out in the Poland. Old prejudices about Jewish people, a group to which most Poles especially those in small villages have limited or no exposure, still play a prominent role in Poland. Despite the negligible size of the Jewish population in contemporary Poland, language and visual culture still cast Jews in a negative light. This is commonly described as »anti-Semitism without Jews.« However, this is not quite accurate, as there are still Jews living in Poland, and Jewish communal life has been undergoing a process of revival since the collapse of authoritarian state socialism in 1989. To »look« or »behave Jewish« or »in a Jewish way« means being »other«, »strange« and »bad« in the common language. Even though the situation is gradually changing, especially with the younger generation’s growing interest in Polish-Jewish history, anti-Semitism still seems to be a component ingrained in certain areas of Polish society and culture—a fact that many Poles do not acknowledge. Also important is the reproduction and transformation of anti-Jewish prejudice into general rejection of »otherness,« which Anna Mazgal refers to in the above quote. In such ultra-conservative circles, images of »healthy« or »true Poles« tend to exclude anyone who has any other belief besides Catholicism (especially non-Christians and atheists), who does not have white skin, who has non-conventional haircuts or clothes, who does not follow the traditional heterosexual and patriarchal family model, and in many cases, people who, due to their visible physical or mental disability, cause an inconvenience to the majority. This still exists in spite of the complexity and increasing diversity of social life in present-day Poland.
According to the representative of the Arabia.pl Association (Stowarzyszenie Arabia.pl) Marek Kubicki, Arabs and Muslims are subjected to group-based prejudice and experience discrimination. In public media discourses, Arabs and Muslims are often portrayed in the context of terrorism. Mr. Kubicki considers the number of Islamophobic hate crimes reported to Arabia.pl Association as comparably small. One possible reason he sees for this fact is the relatively small number of Muslims and Arabs living in Poland. He points out that most incidents have been committed by state functionaries, members of intelligence and military services. In other cases, groups of youngsters were the perpetrators.
Leaders and representatives of LGBT groups and organizations also expressed great concern about hate crimes. The perpetrators of violent attacks on gay persons are usually carried out by individuals, though some of them are organized in formal or informal groups like the All-Poland Youth or followers of the neo-Nazi website Red Watch; others are »stadium hooligans, who use hate speech to taunt homosexual persons. They sometimes also physically attack them. These are sport fans and members of extreme right-wing parties or youth organizations of these parties.« (2) Robert Biedroń, the President of the Campaign Against Homophobia, argues that »the problem of homophobia in Poland is so general and widespread that many examples can be found in various structures of social life.«
2. Interview with Campaign Against Homophobia (Robert Biedroń).
(OPP)
